Introduction: the shaping of an activist and scholar: Gerald Horne: contributions to African history and African American studies - Document (2024)

Author: Ula Taylor

From: The Journal of African American History(Vol. 96, Issue 2)

Born: January 03, 1949 in St. Louis, Missouri, United States

Nationality: American

Occupation: College teacher

Other Names: Horne, Gerald Charles

Full Text:

As a seven-year-old paperboy in St. Louis, Missouri, Gerald Hornebecame a voracious reader of his wares. He started with comic strips andmoved on to the sports pages, eventually adding the local news and editorialsto his daily study. Horne was not the only person in his family of eight whowas fond of reading. His three older sisters provided an academic model intheir home that mirrored a dynamic classroom. Their mother, Flora Horne, hadgraduated from high school in rural Mississippi, but her ambition to attendAlcorn Agricultural and Mechanical College was thwarted. In the tradition ofmany African American mothers, she no doubt pushed her daughters "as thefulfillment of [her] own dreams" to acquire the education that she hadbeen denied. (1) Horne watched and emulated his savant sisters, developing apassion for reading that he fully explored at the local public library. In2010 Horne could still recall his St. Louis library card number 57-15980 (57indicates the year that he received it; he was eight years old).

In many ways Horne's library card was a passport. Books gavehim access to the world beyond his racially segregated environment. Horne wasborn in St. Louis on 3 January 1949. His parents came from large Mississippisharecropping families that moved to this industrial city during thepre-World War II period. (2) The north-south borderland directly across theMississippi River was a final destination for many families trekking out ofthe poverty-laden and violently racist state of Mississippi. At the end ofWorld War II, St. Louis emerged as having the "nation's secondlargest rail and trucking hub." (3) Gerald's father, Jerry Horne,whose work ethic belied his fourth grade education, was employed as a truckdriver. Horne's mother supplemented their household income by workingoccasionally as a maid. Although Flora Home was one of the approximately 9percent of African American women in St. Louis who had earned a high schooldiploma, discrimination restricted her paid labor to the category of"personal service." (4) In fact, racially segregated AfricanAmericans in St. Louis were 37.6 percent of the unemployed in 1950. (5)Nevertheless, this city harbored a thriving civic life and culture that wasunimaginable in rural Mississippi. (6)

During the 1950s St. Louis was a predominantly white city. TheHomes lived in Mill Creek Valley, a largely black working-class settlementnear the downtown with pockets of working-class white residents. This460-acre "Negro district" was in desperate need of repair:"Eighty percent of its homes lacked private baths and toilets--67percent were still without running water." (7) In response, cityplanners and redevelopment corporations targeted this central corridor for"urban renewal," which quickly translated into "Negroremoval." Beginning in 1959, close to 20,000 African American residents,including the Horne family, were bulldozed out of their homes. (8)Haphazardly relocated to the "already blighted" North and Westsideneighborhoods, African Americans branded the Land Clearance for RedevelopmentAuthority as "Local City Rip-off Artists." (9) Mill CreekValley's mass destruction earned the local moniker "HiroshimaFlats." (10) The cleared properties remained vacant for years.

The destruction of Horne's old neighborhood, paved over intime with expressways to the suburbs and shopping malls, provided Horne witha major lesson regarding the creation of amenities for those other than theblack poor and working class. (11) Power and politics catapulted the Hornefamily into an environment initially filled with poor whites who lived indilapidated tenements. Yet despite their own abject poverty, racism provokedthese men and women to look at their African American neighbors with disgust.Horne recalls that as African Americans settled on the north side quadrant,white people fled, "as if we were lepers." It was here in a spacewith gloomy lighting, a poor sewer system, decaying housing, marginalizedworkers, and all-black schools that Gerald Home would come of age.

After the 1954 Supreme Court Brown decision declaring segregatedpublic schooling unconstitutional, Missouri moved swiftly and school"integration was achieved without fanfare." (12) Each year after1954, however, desegregation slowed, and by 1958 it had come to a screechinghalt. The main reason that "Negro pupils" such as Home"attended segregated schools stemmed from residential housingpatterns." (13) African American parents complained to the school boardthat in turn argued for "neighborhood schools," contending that"school authorities were not obligated to change deliberately thecharacter of a neighborhood or its school." (14) It was at the"almost all black" Beaumont High School that Home'sextra-curricular activities--editor of both the school newspaper and theyearbook--reflected his reading and writing interests. (15) Yet he alsoflexed other talents at Beaumont such as acting in school plays. Drawn to themedium of comedy largely due to his interest in Hollywood, Home appeared in acouple of high school plays, including farces. Sports (he was on the footballteam) was also an important activity for Home's "legitimacy andsocialization," but he freely admits that he "did not excel by anymeans." (16)

Although efforts to desegregate public schools did not impactBeaumont High School, during Horne's sophom*ore year the St. Louis branchof the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) set a new agenda. As "FreedomNow" became the activists' slogan, CORE targeted the JeffersonBank, a repository of state and city funds. CORE members demanded thatJefferson Bank hire at least four African American tellers. In the fall of1963, African Americans rallied to picket the bank. This demonstration isnoteworthy as "the most significant event in modern St. Louis civilrights history." (17) Gerald's older brother William Home, now ajudge in Kansas City, was involved in the struggle and brought him there"more than once to picket." (18)

As a teenager, Gerald Horne would cross the river to have fun inEast St. Louis. He remembered it as a "wide open town, meaning clubswere all over the place and stayed open to the wee hours of themorning." Organized crime controlled the red-light district, whichnationally was known as a "wild and woolly gambling town," and a"frontier vice oasis." (19) During the early 1960s the AfricanAmerican population in East St. Louis continued to grow and soon outnumberedthat of whites largely due to their flight to the suburbs. The reputation ofEast St. Louis as a hot spot continued to draw talented African Americanmusicians. Miles Davis, who grew up there during the 1930s, is thecity's most legendary musician. Chuck Berry and Albert King also playedtheir guitars there; Little Milton Campbell sang the Delta Blues; and AnnieMae Bullock (Tina) met bandleader Ike Turner in what poet Eugene Redmondcalls "East Boogie." (20) Music filled the air of these lavishclubs and speakeasies, which hosted prostitutes, professional gamblers, andsouthern migrants out to have a good time. Although still under age, Home wasadmitted without difficulty. It was an unruly scene that would make even aspirited youth blush more than once. Singer Clayton Love reminisced that"it was better than Vegas. There was every kind of entertainment youcould want. And on the East Side, it was just ridiculously happy." (21)

At the same time, hanging out and roaming the streets of East St.Louis with his entourage of two brothers and friends was sometimes dangerous.Once, Home took a wrong turn on the famous Chain of Rocks Bridge across theMississippi River and faced an oncoming train. (22) Most people in East St.Louis have a "train story" largely because the rails ran throughthe middle of the city. If you failed to cross the tracks at the right time,you could be delayed by the long series of train cars that might take two orthree hours to pass. Being stuck on the wrong side of the tracks literallyslowed down Home's thunderous pace and describes metaphorically how manyAfrican Americans felt over time about East St. Louis, a "city at thevery bottom of the urban heap." By the mid-1960s only the "bravedare[d] walk [East St. Louis] streets after dark." (23)

When reflecting upon his youth, Home recalls these publicadventures along with the importance of absorbing the intellectual habits ofhis older sisters. "I read what they read. I learned the songs theydid--I still know a lot of Johnny Mathis's songs and lyrics." Inthe end, his sisters' academic focus had the greatest influence on hisbudding temperament. (24) In addition to reading their books, he readbiographies of famous figures in U.S. history, and best-selling novels, someof which he hardly understood such as the work of Thomas Pynchon. No doubt,Horne's voracious and broad reading prepared him to excel in school.(25) Maturing at precisely the moment when the nation was seeking to"diversify" higher education, Home was spurred on by the Cold Warand the Civil Rights Movement to matriculate into college.

The international flourishing of science and technology was linkedto the launching of Sputnik satellites in 1957, propelling national interestin developing "gifted and talented" students. PrincetonUniversity's governing bodies, led by its board of trustees, forexample, created goals to expand "academic prowess" by diversifyingits student body. For the administration, "Diversity--of backgrounds,points of view, and vocational interests--was essential because there is noneed in a residential college to bring together people who are alike."(26) The Civil Rights Movement, and its moral call for integration, alsopushed colleges and universities to confront racism and rethink admissionpolicies. "Qualified Negroes" were recruited to attend institutionsthat had previously denied admission to African Americans, which helps toexplain why and how Horne "wound up at Princeton."

Princeton University in the "northernmost university town ofthe Old South" is only fifty miles from the Mason-Dixon Line. It was apopular university among white southerners because of its reputation for notenrolling "Negroes." (27) Described as a "fortress ofsegregation and racism," Princeton was, in fact, the last Ivy Leagueuniversity to desegregate. (28) Paul Robeson was turned away in 1915, andBruce M. Wright in 1936, to name a few, because of the "color bar."(29) While numerous "qualified" African Americans had soughtadmission over the years, the university could and would disqualify anyapplicant. Princeton was not alone in this regard. Indeed, NAACP attorneyConstance Baker Motley's most repeated question in her universitydesegregation cases was, "Would you be willing to admit a qualifiedNegro?" (30) Finally, at the end of the Second World War in 1945,Princeton admission officers replied with a weak, breathless "yes."

The first four African American undergraduates enrolled atPrinceton were members of the Navy's V-12 officer-training program,"leaving the university no choice but to allow the Navy men to continuetheir studies as civilians." (31) In 1949 three additional AfricanAmerican students were enrolled in its freshman class. (32) Years later, in1962, Princeton slowly began its recruitment of African Americans, under theleadership of E. Alden Dunham, dean of admissions, and Princeton presidentRobert Goheen. Yet given the isolating environment and academic rigor, closeto "one-fourth" of enrolled African American men left by the end ofthe their first year. (33) Horne joined this all-male enclave, with perhaps adozen other African Americans, in 1966. In December of that year, hewitnessed an incident that remains one of his most salient memories ofPrinceton. On 7 December 1966, some white students "engaged in a mocklynching of a Japanese-American student to mark the anniversary of thebombing of Pearl Harbor." (34) This moment clarified for him that he hadentered a "social order" that had "emerged from an earliertime." (35)

The following year when President Goheen was asked to profile the"kind of boy" he wanted at Princeton, he replied:

 We don't want any single "kind" here. There is no stereotyped Princeton boy. Oh, they've got to have a few things in common: a fairly high level of intelligence in order to stand the gaff; not to be too bothered competition--or rather to be able to compete even though bothered; good measure of curiosity and personal integrity--whether hey're football players or classicists. But within these limits eat variety is possible--and we want it. (36)

President Goheen had served Princeton for a decade by 1967, andboth the board of trustees and the faculty had confidence in his leadershipand in his "general supervision of the interests of theUniversity." (37) The students, however, led numerous protests againstGoheen and his administration. One of the most debated issues in the1967-1968 academic year was the draft and how the university related to theInstitute for Defense Analyses. (38) Horne himself had grave concerns aboutthe draft and recalls "listening on the radio or watchingtelevision" as the lottery numbers were announced. He remembers"breathing a sigh of relief" when his number "provedsufficiently high," that he had "managed to elude this snare."If his number had been called, Horne probably would "have moved toCanada," like so many other opponents of the Vietnam War. (39)

As a student in the Woodrow Wilson School of Public andInternational Affairs, Horne undertook a rigorous course of study in historyand political science, disciplines which informed Horne's emergingpolitical activism. Although Horne does not recall the influence of anyparticular professor, as he learned about the past and structures ofdomination, particularly colonialism in Africa, he became heavily involved inanti-apartheid activism at Princeton. In April 1968 Home was one of sixstudents who urged the university to divest "in banks, companies, andother financial institutions which presently participate in the SouthAfrican, Rhodesian, Angolan, and Mozambique economies" and argued thatPrinceton should "refuse to accept monies, bequests, and endowmentswhich [had] come to the university primarily from the profits made inSouthern Africa." (40) A founding member of Princeton's Associationof Black Collegians, Home participated in anti-apartheid protests, includingtaking over the financial complex building, which resulted in hostile verbalattacks by his classmates. (41) They usually urged him to "gohome," Home recalled, and "I don't think they meant my dormroom or St. Louis; for that matter, I think they meant Africa." (42) Asanother former Princeton student activist recalled, "It was infuriatingto be told, after being insulted by [a] student or professor or campus cop[,]that the problem was with us instead of them." (43) At this point, Hornewas part of a small but significant number of African American radicals atPrinceton who refused to accept the charge that they were "overlysensitive." (44)

To the chagrin of conservative Princeton alumni, the Associationof Black Collegians also pushed for admitting more black students, and hiringblack faculty and staff. Nevertheless, any southern white student who soughtto avoid African Americans at Princeton could do so with relative ease.African American students tended to eat together in the residential diningrooms and to socialize within their own organizations. It was more difficult,however, for African American students to ignore each other. In fact, adamning criticism was the suggestion that "a fellow black was actingwhite." (45) Cultural identity "formed around static notions ofblackness and whiteness," and "crucial markers for blacks were Soulmusic, black dialect, and more evanescent points of racial style." (46)The racial boundary on campus pushed some students to support certain liberalends, even if they disagreed with the course of action. By 1969 over 50percent of colleges and universities nationwide had experienced some kind ofpolitical demonstration. (47) Princeton alumni and conservative studentsorganized to counter what they described as "a monopoly of oneviewpoint--leftist." (48) They longed for the good old days of politicalconservatism and elitist privilege.

Horne's activism was seemingly inexhaustible. He arranged thetransport of funds raised at Princeton to victims of the Orangeburg Massacrein South Carolina; he was at Columbia University in 1968 during the campusshutdown; he was a fixture in Boston and at Rutgers University. Socially, heattended Howard University homecomings, spent much time at Jazz concerts inNew York City, and went to the Penn Relays in Philadelphia. Sometimes gettingto the events was easier than returning to Princeton. On more than oneoccasion he had to walk or hitchhike. He remembers having to bunk down in a"bathtub for there was nowhere else to crash." (49) In retrospect,Home believes that "all this traveling and the adaptation that wentalong with it, prepared [him] well for more serious--scholarly andpolitical--travel." (50)

Horne applied for law school in 1969, the same year Princetonestablished an African American studies program and admitted the first womenstudents. (51) His acceptance into Boalt Hall School of Law at the Universityof California, Berkeley, in 1970 marked another intellectual transition forHome. He had been put on the wait list at Yale Law School, but decided not towait and thus relocated to the San Francisco Bay Area, home of the BlackPanther Party for Self Defense, and the Free Speech Movement. (52) Horneinitially resisted the way "law school sharpens the mind by narrowingit." (53) Although he began in time to appreciate the intellectualdiscipline, Horne found that "most lawyers don't realize that it isonly one mode of thinking--there are others." (54) It was also in lawschool that Home's political trajectory moved more toward the left.Examining the roots of population control, using the work of Margaret Sangerand Paul Ehrlich, Horne argued that codifications of class and race left manycitizens on the margins of legal protection and thus vulnerable to variousforms of exploitation.

As at Princeton, no single law professor stamped his pedagogicalsignature on Horne, but at Boalt Law, Home worked closely with RichardBuxbaum, who taught corporate law. Outside the classroom, Horne worked withBerkeley city councilman D'Army Bailey, now an attorney in Memphis, andBerkeley city councilman Ira Simmons, founder and director of One World Work,a non-profit that sends volunteers to work with street children and formerchild soldiers in Africa. He also worked with the fledging Black PantherParty, teaching prisoners at Vacaville Penitentiary, part of what we nowconsider the "prison industrial complex." At the prison Home lent acopy of Friedrich Engels's The Origins of the Family, Private Property,and the State to a man named "Cinque." After Cinque was implicatedin the kidnapping of publishing heiress Patricia Hearst, Horne knew that hewould never get his book back! (55)

After Horne graduated from Boalt Law in 1973, he moved to New YorkCity to practice law and to pursue political activism on behalf of Africannations. Between 1973 and 1988 he raised tens of thousands of dollars forAfrican and Asian liberation movements, largely through concerts featuringNoel Pointer, Hugh Masekela, Roy Ayers, and other artists. Home alsoorganized numerous protests, including one against the Museum of NaturalHistory for displaying African bones, and one against the film The Gods MustBe Crazy (1980) for its racist depiction of South African"bushmen."

In 1977, believing that a broader education was needed to addresspolitical issues, Home entered graduate school in the Department of Historyat Columbia University. There he was mentored by historians Hollis Lynch andNathan Huggins. At times, Horne disagreed with their opinions; for example,when Home insisted upon learning Kikongo because of his fascination withAngola and the Congo, Huggins convinced him to take a romance languageinstead. Huggins won out--which Horne does not regret. (56) In 1982 he earneda Ph.D. in American history, while simultaneously working at the NationalLawyers Guild.

With the publication of his first book in 1985, Black and Red: W.E. B. Du Bois and the Afro-American Response to the Cold War, 1944-1963, Homeacknowledged the ways his legal training shaped the prose in his earlyhistorical monographs. He was too steeped in the writing of legal briefs, andthis style, "a hard habit to break," spilled over into hisnarratives. Moreover, when Horne began publishing historical texts in themid-1980s on the ties between racism and foreign policy and how the retreatfrom Jim Crow segregation in the United States was shaped by global concerns,few contemporary historians were writing comparable narratives. Thescholarship of Brenda Gayle Plummer, Mary Dudziak, and Thomas Borstelman, forexample, had not yet appeared. "This isolation combined with legaltraining," Horne recalls, shaped his writing. Over time, Horne'swriting became less legalistic, a transition that coincided with hisaccepting a tenured professorship in history at the University of California,Santa Barbara (UCSB) in 1988. Up until that point, while teaching at RamapoCollege in New Jersey, City College of New York, and Sarah Lawrence College,Horne had continued to practice law. Accepting his first tenuredprofessorship allowed him to concentrate exclusively on writing and teaching.That moment marked the beginning of Horne's prolific publication ofhistorical works.

Yet Gerald Horne's commitment to historical research nevercompletely overshadowed his passion for current political events. In 1992while serving as the chairman of the Black Studies Department at UCSB, Horneran for the U.S. Senate on the Peace and Freedom Party (PFP) ticket. Servingas the chair of the PFP, Horne recalls that on the campaign trail people feltthat they could talk to him about anything--personal as well as politicalconcerns. He learned to be an avid listener and to remain calm in the midstof difficulty in terms of the political challenges to his candidacy. In theend he received 305,000 votes, more votes than most members of the House ofRepresentatives received, and a number comparable to the vote totals ofsenators in small states. (57) Some people thought it strange that Home wouldrun for an office he had a slim chance of winning, but Horne maintained thatthe process itself teaches one countless lessons and reinforces the need foran intuitive sense of hope.

The essays included in this JAAH symposium began as a session onGerald Horne's scholarship at the October 2009 Association for the Studyof African American Life and History (ASALH) annual convention held inCincinnati, Ohio. In their contributions to this symposium, four scholarsgrapple with the major intellectual challenges posed by Horne: the necessityfor African American historians to understand the ways that the Cold War, andother international dimensions of the past, shaped global black liberationstruggles against imperialism and racism. In my essay "Combing theArchive, Tracing the Diaspora: The Scholarship of Gerald Horne," Idescribe the fascinating array of archival materials anchoring Horne'sscholarship. In "African Americans in the International Imaginary:Gerald Horne's Progressive Vision," Brenda Gayle Plummer providesan expansive overview of the major topics in Horne's transnationalscholarship and their significance in understanding black internationalhistory. Robeson Taj P. Frazier's essay, "Sketches of BlackInternationalism and Transnationalism," explores the historicalcontinuity of internationalism, and people of African descent as bothtransnational and translocal subjects. Erik S. McDuffie's "Blackand Red: Black Liberation, the Cold War, and the Horne Thesis"explicates five specific monographs and emerges with what he terms the"Horne Thesis": how the Cold War, and American conservatives'use of it, ruptured African Americans and other oppressed and colonizedpeoples' journeys on the road to democracy.

Professor Gerald Home is an intellectual force to be reckoned withand he shares his scholarly mission with us in offering "OneHistorian's Journey." It is our hope that the essays in thissymposium will introduce the reader to core concepts in Home's writingsand will convey the lasting significance of the historical studies producedby this remarkable activist and scholar.

NOTES

(1) Jacqueline Jones, Labor of Love. Labor of Sorrow: Black Women,Work and the Family, from Slavery to the Present (New York, 1995), 222.

(2) For the period of 1940-1950, 326,000 African Americansmigrated from Mississippi. During this same period, African Americansmigrating to Illinois numbered 203,000 and Missouri numbered 31,000. See,Susan B. Carter, Scott Sigmund Gartner, Michael R. Haines, Alan L. Olmstead,Richard Sutch, and Gavin Wright (eds.), "Table Ac53-205 Net IntercensalMigration, By Race and State: 1940-1990" in Historical Statistics of theUnited States, Millennial Edition On Line (Cambridge, MA, 2006).

(3) Colin Gordon, Mapping Decline: St. Louis and the Fate of theAmerican City (Philadelphia, PA, 2008), 14.

(4) Clement S. Mihanovich, "Characteristics of the NegroFamily in St. Louis, Mo.--1945," The American Catholic SociologicalReview 7 (March 1946): 53 57, Table 6, p. 55. Also see, Clarence Lang,Grassroots at the Gateway: Class Politics and Black Freedom Struggle in St.Louis, 1936-75 (Ann Arbor, MI, 2009), 74.

(5) Lang, Grassroots at the Gateway, 74.

(6) Joseph Heatheott, "Black Archipelago: Politics and CivicLife in the Jim Crow City," Journal of Social History 38 (Spring 2005):705-36, quote on 728.

(7) Lang, Grassroots at the Gateway, 139.

(8) Ibid., 139-40.

(9) Gordon, Mapping Decline, 209.

(10) Ibid. For an excellent text on Hiroshima, see Ronald T.Takaki, Hiroshima: Why America Dropped the Atomic Bomb (Boston, MA, 1995).

(11) The construction of the 600 ft. high Gateway Memorial Arch in1962 also spurred a $250 million dollar building boom in downtown St. Louis.

(l2) Albert P. Marshall, "Racial Integration in Education inMissouri" Journal of Negro Education 25 (Summer 1956): 289-98, quote on94.

(13) Monroe Billington, "Public School Integration inMissouri, 1954-1964," Journal of Negro Education 35 (Summer 1966): 258.

(14) Ibid., 259.

(l5) Lang, Grassroots at the Gateway, 144.

(16) Gerald Home to Ula Taylor, email correspondence, 8 December2010.

(17) "A Strong Seed Planted the Civil Rights Movement in St.Louis, 1954-1968" OAH: Magazine of History 4 (Summer 1989): 26-35, quote26.

(l8) Gerald Home to Ula Taylor, email correspondence, 14 December2010.

(19) Elliott M. Rudwick, Race Riot at East St Louis July 2, 1917(Carbondale, IL, 1964), 197-98.

(20) Harper Barnes, Never Been a Time: The 1917 Race Riot ThatSparked the Civil Rights Movement (New York, 2008), 239.

(21) Tina Turner with Kurt Loder, I, Tina: My Life Story (NewYork, 2010), 47.

(22) "Where Everything--Almost - Went Wrong," BusinessWeek, 10 June 1967, 62, 64. The construction of the bridge linking St. Louisand East St. Louis (ILL.) began in 1963 but was delayed for years because ofunion squabbles. Home to Taylor, email correspondence, 5 October 2010.

(23) "Nation: The City: The East St. Louis Blues," Time11 April 1969, 29.

(24) Horne co-authored two books with his sister Mary Young:Testament of Courage: Selections from Men's Slave Narratives (New York,1995) and W. E. B. Du Bois: An Encyclopedia (Westport, CT, 2001). They wereworking on another book when she passed away.

(25) All of Home's siblings attended college and graduatedwith the exception of his younger brother, who is a professional musician.

(26) James Axtell, The Making of Princeton University: FromWoodrow Wilson to the Present (Princeton, NJ, 2006), 149.

(27) Fred Jerome and Rodger Taylor, "When Princeton Was theNorthernmost University Town of the Old South," Journal of Blacks inHigher Education 49 (Autumn 2005): 66-72.

(28) Ibid., 67, 71.

(29) Axtell, The Making of Princeton University, 144, footnote 78.

(30) Robert A. Pratt, We Shall Not Be Moved: The Desegregation ofthe University of Georgia (Athens, GA, 2002), 58.

(31) John H. Bunzel, "When Change Began After the War, aBattle for Princeton," Princeton Alumni Weekly 24 (March 2004); onlineversion: www.princeton.edu/paw/archive.

(32) Ibid.

(33) Marcia Graham Synnott, The Half-Opened Door: Discriminationand Admission at Harvard, Yale, and Princeton, 1900-1970 (Westport, CT,1979), 220.

(34) Gerald Home to Ula Taylor, email correspondence, 8 December2010.

(35) Helen Lefkowitz Horowitz, "The 1960s and theTransformation of Campus Cultures" History of Education Quarterly 26(Spring 1986): 2.

(36) Synnott, The Half-Opened Door, 221.

(37) The Governing of Princeton University: Final Report of theSpecial Committee on the Structure of the University (Princeton, NJ, 1970),66-68.

(38) Ibid., 1.

(39) Horne to Taylor, e-mail correspondence, 14 December 2010.

(40) The Governing of Princeton University, 5.

(41) For a discussion of "armed black students occupyingbuildings" at Princeton, see Robert F. Engs and John B. Williams,"Blacks on Campus: Integration by Invasion," The Nation 209 (17November 1969): 538.

(42) Horne to Taylor, email correspondence, 10 December 2010.

(43) Engs and Williams, "Blacks on Campus," 538.

(44) Ibid.

(45) Phillip M. Richards, "Black and Blue in New Haven:Memoirs of an African American at Yale in the Late 1960s," Journal ofBlacks in Higher Education 51 (Spring 2006): 66-71, quote on 68.

(46) Richards, "Black and Blue in New Haven," 68.

(47) Horowitz, "The 1960s and the Transformation of CampusCultures," 12.

(48) "Education: The Alums Are Restless" Time, 27 May1974, online version:http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,911301,00.html.

(49) Home to Taylor, email correspondence, 5 October 2010.

(50) Ibid.

(51) During this year Home also worked for William Clay, who hadbeen a leader in the St. Louis Jefferson Bank protest and later became acongressman. Home to Taylor, email correspondence, 14 December 2010.

(52) Ibid., 5 October 2010.

(53) Ibid., 14 December 2010.

(54) Ibid., 5 October 2010.

(55) Ibid., 22 September 2010.

(56) Ibid., 5 October 2010.

(57) Los Angeles Times, 5 November 1992, part-A, 9.

Ula Taylor is Associate Professor of African American Studies atthe University of California, Berkeley.

Taylor, Ula